9/25/2014

烏克蘭內戰-尸坑


歐安組織確認發現幾個在頓內次克附近的尸坑

Latest from OSCE Special Monitoring Mission (SMM) to Ukraine based on information received as of 18:00 (Kyiv time), 23 September 2014
KYIV 24 September 2014



The SMM observed the situation in Donbas, with a particular focus on implementation of the provisions of the Memorandum signed on 19 September in Minsk. It also continued to monitor the situation of IDPs.

The situation in Kharkiv was calm.

Nikolay Kozitsyn, a commander of Don Cossacks, de facto controlling south-western areas of the Luhansk region, warned the SMM that he would not allow any patrols of OSCE monitors without prior arrangement.

The SMM heard sounds of shelling from 11:43 to 12:15 emanating from the vicinity of Shchastya (23km north of Luhansk) power plant, controlled by Ukrainian forces, notably a volunteer Aidar battalion. The shelling was also corroborated by local residents, but rejected by the commander of Aidar’s unit, stationed in the power plant. The latter also said that the power plant, providing energy for the whole region, was continuously attacked by irregular armed groups.

On 22 September, at 20:10, the SMM heard around 17 explosions in rapid succession in Tekstylnyk: the south-west district of Donetsk. The SMM saw also flashes in the clouds, similar to lightning. At 20:25 the SMM heard another series of 26 explosions.

The SMM observed a simultaneous release of hostages and detainees between the Ukrainian Army and the ‘LPR’ in the area of Krasnyi Luch village (26km west of Luhansk). One ‘LPR’ detainee and six Ukrainian soldiers were released.

The ‘military police’ of ‘Donetsk People’s Republic’ (‘DPR’) told the SMM that three unmarked graves allegedly containing multiple bodies had been found; two of them were located in a coal mine Komunar near the village Nyzhnia Krynka (35km north-east of Donetsk) and one inside the village. The SMM proceeded to the scene and saw in the coal mine two areas located fifty metres apart, each containing two human bodies. All four corpses were in the process of decomposition. The SMM also saw eight 9mm Makarov pistol cartridges approximately five meters away from the bodies. Near the road on the edge of the village, the SMM observed a pile of earth resembling a grave which had a stick with a plaque, written in Russian and containing the names (or in one case – initials) of five individuals. The plaque indicated that the individuals died on 27.08.2014. On top of the plaque there was another inscription saying: ‘Died for Putin’s lies’. Neither in the coal mine nor in the village did the SMM see any forensic experts. COMMENT: The SMM cannot provide a forensic assessment of the sites.

Also in Nyzhnia Krynka the SMM observed a destroyed bridge over the water reservoir, connecting the locality with Donetsk. According to local residents the bridge was blown up by Ukrainian soldiers leaving the area around 18 September.

Acting head of Kramatorsk’s (97km north of Donetsk) administration informed the SMM there were approximately 1,700 registered IDPs in town, but their real number was much higher since many had not registered. She mentioned that the number of IDPs was growing and that currently IDPs were mainly coming from Horlivka (44km north of Donetsk). She also claimed that the city was not receiving any help to tackle the IDP issues. A staff member of the local registration centre estimated that the total number of IDPs in Kramatorsk is about 5,000, and that 2,000 of them are school children.

In Mariupol, on 22 September, the SMM heard sounds consistent with anti-aircraft and small arms fire from 20:10 to 20:45, emanating from the west. On the following day the ATO HQ representative confirmed this incident, and claimed that the Ukrainian army had been targeting unmanned aerial vehicles flying in the area.

The SMM visited a temporary checkpoint of the Ukrainian army near Talakivka (20km north-west of Mariupol), which had been shelled on 22 September from the north-east direction, and observed twelve shell craters in the vicinity of the checkpoint; at least eight houses and two gas pipelines were seriously damaged. The SMM observed checkpoint personnel preparing to detonate an unexploded mortar shell lodged in the road about 30 meters away from the area. One local resident, who lived across the street from one of the damaged pipelines, confirmed the attack.

The Co-ordinator of the Women’s Sotnia (literally: a centuria, a military unit of around 100 soldiers) of the National Defence Head Quarter in Dnipropetrovsk informed the SMM that female volunteers rendered assistance to IDPs, collected food, clothes and medicine for wounded soldiers, and organised fundraising to support Ukrainian troops and soldiers’ families. Some women from the sotnia served in conflict zones as volunteers in medical and logistical units; inter alia they took dead or wounded soldiers from the battle field. Between 10 and 15 women were fighting in different battalions.

The situation in Kherson, Odessa, and Chernivtsi was calm.

Representatives of Caritas, a charitable organization of the Catholic Church, told the SMM in Ivano-Frankivsk that there was enough accommodation suitable for winter in the region, however many IDPs had difficulties paying the rent and utilities – currently Caritas pay the rent for the first two months of their stay. Representatives of Caritas also highlighted that Ukrainian soldiers, injured in the ATO, often received less assistance than IDPs.

The situation in Lviv and Kyiv was calm.

http://www.osce.org/ukraine-smm/124216

9/10/2014

烏克蘭內戰-三方停火協議


9月5日的三方停火協議看起來沒甚麼實際約束力,不過第3條去中央化的條文,波洛申科賭很大.有意思的是幾個代表的簽名:歐安的代表塔利亞維妮,庫區馬,祖拉伯夫,扎哈爾成科和普洛特尼茲基.到底普洛特尼茲基有沒有簽字?






9/04/2014

烏克蘭內戰-分別



頓內次克:送走妻子,女兒,獨自留下來戰鬥的一幕.


9月3日烏克蘭總統府網站突然刊出俄羅斯總統普亭與烏克蘭總統波洛申科透過電話達成「經常性」停火的協議。但是俄羅斯總統府網站沒有關於這個「經常性」停火協議的文字,頓內次克共和國也否認這種說法。稍後,烏克蘭總統府的網站關於這件事情的新聞也將「經常性」一詞刪除。根據俄羅斯總統府發言人培斯可夫的說法:雙方領袖交換意見後認為「最優先的事情是盡快的停止東南部的流血衝突」。
兩國總統在烏東問題上認知差異極大的現象,反映出烏東問題透過和平談判取得妥協的困難:基輔認定俄羅斯要負責任,並且拉著一群人助陣,但是俄羅斯堅持,這是基輔和烏東民兵之間的事,其他人不要插手。在這種不同認知下,美國、歐盟透過任何手段去要求、壓迫俄羅斯來坦烏東能否停火的責任,無異是緣木求魚。
然而,無論是基輔,華盛頓,莫斯科,柏林,頓內次克,盧干斯克都知道這個內戰不能無止境的持續下去。在基輔和烏東民兵缺乏互信,甚至彼此仇恨逐漸累積的情況下,只有透過軍事上的勝利才能取得談判桌上的勝利。
烏東自四月開始爆發武裝衝突,到六月停火協議失效。七月一日波洛申科宣布進行「反恐怖分子行動」,對自己國內不同政治立場的國民視為恐怖分子進行武裝清剿。而同時,烏東也視基輔政府為法西斯。由這一刻開始,停火的前提就是:有一方在軍事上出現挫敗。
到八月12日烏克蘭政府軍基本上完成對頓內次克和盧干斯克兩個城市的包圍。之前被指控和俄羅斯關係密切的幾個民兵重要幹部也離開頓內次克共和國的重要職務。烏克蘭國防部當時樂觀的認為戰事在2個星期之內會結束。但是,基輔輕忽了頓內次克和盧干斯克這兩個地區以煤礦工人為主組成民兵的戰鬥意志,也輕忽了2004年橘色革命對很多東部民眾帶來的驚愕,2005年以後尤申科政府的壓制俄語所造成的感傷,2010及2012年政黨輪替合法選出的總統國會帶來的希望突然在2014年被街頭運動摧毀。然後,要求文化、經濟、政治自治權,要求俄語作為官方語卻被視為分離份子。難民逃到俄羅斯尋求安身,聯合國8月27日報告超過2500人喪生,烏東民兵沒有其它出路
8月24日以後戰事逆轉,烏克蘭政府軍被烏東民兵反包圍,失去了對盧干斯克和頓內次克週邊的控制權。所以25日俄羅斯的人道救援車隊不需基輔同意,也不必紅十字會陪同就長驅直抵盧干斯克。26日波洛申科到明斯克在歐盟-烏克蘭-關稅同盟三邊會議中與普亭面對面商談烏東問題。9月1日,烏克蘭前總統庫奇馬,俄羅斯駐烏克蘭大使祖拉伯夫,歐安會議代表以及頓內次克、盧干斯克代表在明斯克舉行會談,烏東代表提出烏東地區特別地位問題。
無論後續結果如何,頓內次克和盧干斯克證明一件事情:權利不是靠乞求施捨而來,而是靠著犧牲得到的勝利。(同刊於聯合報04/09/2014)